Wedding Day €? After Effects Projects ##VERIFIED##

Wedding Day €? After Effects Projects ##VERIFIED##

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While Fluxus artists invented new ways to marry, U.S. politicians legislated against same sex marriage. In July 2004, U.S. Senate Republicans proposed the Federal Marriage Amendment (FMA), which would have changed the Constitution to outlaw same sex marriages. Senator Santorum (R-PA) equated defending marriage with homeland security, while National Public Radio commentator Connie Rice (second cousin to Condoleeza) called the Republican use of same sex marriage "a weapon of mass distraction." My aim in this essay is to wrangle queer weddings from politics and examine the promise of formal effects in wedding ceremonies. Since 1996, when then-President Clinton signed the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), a few states have challenged the federal law, and gay men and lesbians have lined up at their City Halls, eager to take advantage of their state-sanctioned right to marry. Their actions are pragmatic: the rights and benefits conferred upon the married exceed the unmarried. But in the haste to oppose DOMA and FMA, we overlook what might hold the most promise in challenging the law's logic, namely something we might call the aesthetic.

Why do gays and lesbians so often marry in the same way as heterosexuals? Why is any complicated aesthetic, let alone a queer aesthetic, absent from the majority of weddings? An aesthetic of the sublime, rather than the beautiful, has the potential to disorient the exclusively political imperatives of same sex weddings. I will argue that, in the rush to make a political stand, and quickly be married, opportunities for aesthetic effects are missed in the ritual of becoming married. If there is a queer aesthetic, it is not evident in these rush-to-status ceremonies. A queer aesthetic might be evident in the Fluxwedding, suggesting how a queer marriage ceremony might differ from traditional weddings, and from tradition-miming homosexual weddings. The Fluxwedding's effects are difficult to incorporate into the political aims of either advocates [End Page 167] or opponents of same sex marriage. Such a resistance to utility might explain why this queer wedding has been almost entirely overlooked in writing about same-sex marriage.

Enterprise & Society 5.1 (2004) 134-136 // --> [Access article in PDF] Carole Collier Frick. Dressing Renaissance Florence: Families, Fortunes, and Fine Clothing. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. 2002. xiv + 347 pp. ISBN 0-8018-6939-0, $45.00 (cloth). Carole Collier Frick has succeeded in a project that has baffled many historians: using objects of material culture to show the institutional structure of their manufacture, their social significance, and the political role they played in the community. Renaissance clothing has long attracted the attention of art historians intrigued with the puzzle of discovering how the style and manner of their presentation in paintings reveal the goals and values of their society. Following the lead of feminist historians such as Patricia Simon, Frick uses her deep knowledge of Florentine behavior to explain the importance of the wearing of elaborate and costly garb for wealthy families to celebrate weddings and promotions to civic posts. Her accomplishment in this book is to set out an original interpretation of the meaning of [End Page 134] clothing in Renaissance Florence and to show, by meticulous reconstruction of personal and official records, the effects of this manufacture on the economic and institutional life of the city.

But the Florentines were too practical to let extravagant clothing bankrupt them; after the day of show, the magnificent garments were dismantled and sold or pawned to used-clothes dealers, the jewels were removed and turned into cash, and the sartorial investment was converted back into family capital. Although the magnificent dresses portrayed in Renaissance paintings cost part of a woman's dowry, and even the counterdowry given her by her groom, they did not belong to the bride. Unless specifically given to her, the dress was hers only for the day, and it was reclaimed as her husband's property afterwards. Curiously, as important as it was to parade through the streets magnificently attired on the wedding day, establishing the "honor" of the families of bride and groom, there seemed to be no stigma against taking the dress to pieces afterwards. Painting the young women's finery caught the moment when she could appear in public on display, just before sumptuary laws and modest custom covered the new matron. Instead of signifying power for the bride, the representations of wedding dresses actually served to confirm the dominance of wealthy families in the city and their matrimonial alliances. [End Page 135]

"You are right, Isabel, and I must just put back my own sair heartacheand look after the ungrateful, thrawart woman's wedding cake. It'suntelling what I have done for Christina, and the upsetting ways o' herthis morning and the words she said, I'll never forget. I shall comeo'er them in my mind as long as I live; and I'll tell her what I thinkof her behavior, whenever I find a proper opportunity."

"Isabel, he gave me that piano as a birthday gift, one week before wewere married; but then, of course, he took it back after the ceremony.He told me once my wedding ring was his property, and that he could sellthe very hair off my head if he chose to do so."

Upon her return to Australia, Baker began working as a schoolteacher as well as doing visual effects on a number of blockbusters. She was on the lookout for her next film's subject when, through a friend, she heard about a young woman, Anna, who was preparing for her wedding. What caught Baker's attention was that Anna and her fiance were both 'saving themselves' for marriage due to their religion, a highly unusual choice in Australia today. And so she found her next project: 'I decided to make this film with a similar kind of attitude to the first, I guess: I have no money, but no-one can stop me,' Baker recalls.

The number of foreigners applying for asylum in the UK was 71,160 (another source says 89,700) in 1999, compared with 46,015 in 1998. Applications from Yugoslavia topped the table of applicants, followed by people coming from Sri Lanka. Beginning in February 2000, the UK will be able to require L10,000 bonds from visitors from high-risk countries including India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Under the pilot program, those refused visitor visas will also gain the right to appeal the denial of a visa. A report by the Commons Public Accounts Committee criticized an effort by the Home Office to speed up the handling of immigration and asylum cases. As of January 25, 2000, the backlog of asylum applicants awaiting processing was 102,870. The report said that delays in setting up a new computer system coupled with moving to new offices resulted in an increased backlog. In a February 2000 debate on asylum applicants, the opposition shadow home secretary proposed "the automatic detention and fast-tracking of asylum applicants from safe countries and those who arrive without papers... People who are playing the system need to know that, if they come here, they are likely to be detained, that their claims will be dealt with expeditiously and they will then be duly removed." The Tories said that their amnesty for 26,000 asylum seekers in 1992-93 was a mistake. Jack Straw, the Home Secretary countered that there was "no quick fix" of the asylum system, but said that the Government was putting in place the foundations for a "fairer and faster" immigration system. Kurds. A Kurdish asylum seeker faces deportation to Turkey after his appeal was rejected on January 28 by the Court of Appeal in a ruling expected to affect thousands of Kurds now living in Britain. The three justices ruled that Home Secretary Jack Straw acted reasonably in rejecting the asylum claim. The court found that, although human rights violations still occur in Turkey, the man could be deported. In a second ruling, the justices said another Kurd could be extradited to Germany as a safe-third country; the man came to Britain after being denied asylum in Germany. Both men said they left Turkey to avoid the draft. Upon their return, they face interrogation, jail sentences up to three years and then military service, although the "full extent of the risk facing returnees was a matter of conjecture." Other. The British government plans to introduce new legislation designed to reduce the number of "surprise" weddings, in which to bride or groom discover that they are getting married minutes before the ceremony. The new policy is aimed at marriages of convenience that are used to gain a UK passport. There are an estimated 8,000 to 10,000 fraudulent marriages in London each year. Under the new rules, couples will have to personally go to the registrar at least 15 days prior to their wedding day. Under present law, either the bride or bridegroom can arrange a civil wedding without the other's knowledge and, in some circumstances, only one day's notice is required. The new regulations, part of the new Immigration and Asylum Bill, will take effect January 2001. A British MP is proposing fast-track entry for Australians and other Commonwealth visitors to Britain. The proposed bill, the Immigration (Ports of Entry) Amendment Bill, proposes a third inspection channel at major ports and airports. The Home Office opposes the bill, saying it has no plans to change the current two-channel immigration system. One of London's largest immigration law firms, Malik Law Associates, is being investigated amid charges that it coached migrants from Kenya who applied for asylum to claim that they were survivors of war and genocide in Rwanda, Burundi or Somalia. The law firm had been awarded a government contract to provide assistance to migrants under a new program aimed at helping both the government and migrants. Ireland. The Irish Department of Justice reported that 511 foreigners were granted asylum in 1999, up from 168 in 1998. However, two-thirds of those eventually recognized as refugees were first rejected; they won recognition after appealing to the Independent Appeals Authority. Of 5,248 asylum applications in 1999, 4,737 were refused. Since July 1999, some Irish asylum applicants may be given permission to work, but only 53 permits were issued to the 2,000 eligible asylum seekers in the first five months. Ireland is considering a plan to establish a separate immigration agency and an immigration policy with annual quotas. The Irish government plans to permit about 6,000 foreigners a year to enter the country to work beginning in 2000. One party, Fine Gael, wants 10,000 immigrants a year from outside the EU to overcome labor shortages. Fine Gael is also proposing that asylum-seekers be made eligible for work permits, so that asylum-seekers could approach employers and be offered jobs. A January 2000 poll found that 74 percent of Irish voters want strict limits to be placed on the number of refugees allowed into Ireland. The same poll reported that 60 percent of voters agree that a more generous approach than at present should be taken of refugees and immigrants in view of Ireland's history of emigration and its current prosperity. The Irish Cabinet approved a public awareness campaign proposed by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform to combat racism amid fears that an increasing number of refugees, asylum seekers and economic migrants are being attacked. Advertising to the general public and tolerance programs in schools will be employed. A report, expected to be released in early February by the Interdepartmental Working Group on Refugees, will recommend that a project be undertaken to establish the specific needs of different refugees in the country. The report also urges the EU to maximize funding for refugee integration projects. "Kurds asylum bid rejected by Court of Appeal; could affect thousands," AP, January 28, 2000. Miriam Donohoe, "1m pounds campaign set up to combat racism," Irish Times, January 25, 2000. Richard Ford, "Ministers to kill off 'surprise' wedding racket," The Times, January 25, 2000. Jo Butler, "Number of Asylum Seekers at Record High," Press Association, January 25, 2000. Martin Hickman, "Over Ambitious Immigration Project Criticized as Backlog Mounts," Press Association, January 26, 2000. Louis Robson, "MP wants a better welcome for Aussie visitors," AAP Newsfeed, January 19, 2000. John Sturgis, "Immigration law firm probed," Evening Standard, January 13, 2000. Auala Haughey and Kevin Rafter, "Over 500 granted refugee status last year," Irish Times, January 14, 2000. 2b1af7f3a8